TEL AVIV, Israel — In exchange for Hamas freeing its final group of Israeli hostages, Israel released nearly 2,000 Palestinians from prison in October. Most were arrested in Gaza on suspicion of taking part in hostilities and were sent back to the territory, but about 250 had been serving long sentences for deadly attacks against Israelis.
For 154 of those prisoners, freedom came with a condition: exile. They were sent to Cairo, their final destination undetermined.
Israeli security officials say deportation aims to prevent released prisoners from returning to militant activity and posing future threats. But past cases suggest deporting Palestinian prisoners abroad can carry long-term consequences for Israeli security.
Hamas leaders released in earlier swaps rose to prominence
Two prisoners released by Israel in a 2011 prisoner-hostage swap later took leadership roles in Hamas, the Shin Bet domestic intelligence agency says. Zaher Jabarin, deported to Turkey, reportedly oversaw Hamas’ finances. Yahya Sinwar, another released prisoner, became the Hamas leader in Gaza who orchestrated the Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel — an assault that killed 1,144 Israelis, according to Israeli government figures, and sparked the Gaza war.
Saleh al-Arouri, a founding commander of Hamas’ military wing who was deported in 2010, settled in Syria and later moved between Turkey, Lebanon and Qatar. He is widely credited with building Hamas’ West Bank networks and helping plan Oct. 7.
Among those deported this October were figures tied to notorious attacks. Mahmoud Issa founded a Hamas unit that abducted Israeli soldiers for bargaining leverage; he was arrested in 1993, convicted for abducting and killing an Israeli police officer and sentenced to life. Imad Qawasmeh, sent abroad under the recent deal, spent more than 20 years in prison for his role in suicide bombings that killed 16 Israelis in Beersheba in 2004.
The Israeli debate over deportation
Some Israeli security analysts argue deporting high-risk prisoners abroad is preferable to allowing them back into Palestinian communities, where they could resume operational roles or inspire violence. Michael Milshtein, an expert in Palestinian affairs at Tel Aviv University and a former Israeli military intelligence officer, says deportation reduces a released prisoner’s ability to reengage. Kobi Michaeli of the Institute for National Security Studies and the Misgav Institute called deportation “better than having them here, mainly when it comes to those who are very experienced, admired and will contribute significantly to the terror infrastructure.”
Palestinian perspective and human rights concerns
Palestinian human rights advocates condemn the deportations as forcible displacement, noting prisoners agreed to exile under pressure while incarcerated. Many families were barred by Israeli authorities from traveling abroad to greet deported relatives after the release, Qadura Fares, a veteran Palestinian prisoner advocate and former head of prisoner affairs for the Palestinian Authority, told NPR. Families were reportedly told the restriction was for security reasons.
Fares, who was imprisoned in Israel in 1981 and released to the West Bank in 1994, said: “Every prisoner dreams of being free in his own environment, in his town or village, among his family and friends, where people know him and where he has personal and social status. Israel thinks that it can distance these people from their homeland in order to stop them from influencing their societies, but it is a mistake. If a prisoner is released to a normal and familiar environment, he adapts and lives a normal life.”
Recidivism and intelligence assessments
Israeli intelligence cites high rates of recidivism among released prisoners. A Knesset Research and Information Center report, citing Shin Bet figures, found that about 75% of Palestinian prisoners released in the 2011 deal returned to militant activity, though the figures do not account for those who are no longer alive.
Michaeli rejected the idea that deportation is punishment: “I think that for these people to live in Doha or in Istanbul under the hospitality of the [Qataris] and the Turks, is not a punishment.”
Risks if deportees settle in Gulf or Turkish cities
If released prisoners relocate to cities such as Doha, Istanbul or Ankara, they could find “safe zones” that enable them to operate more freely and potentially play future roles in groups like Hamas, Michaeli said. He noted such locales can afford a degree of immunity from Israeli targeting, at least under current circumstances.
Israel has carried out targeted killings of Hamas figures abroad in the past and is widely believed to have been behind one assassination in a Gulf state years ago. But a September strike on Hamas leaders in Qatar angered the U.S., illustrating limits and risks to striking militants abroad, Milshtein said. Large-scale releases of high-profile prisoners also place a heavy burden on Israel’s intelligence agencies, requiring sustained surveillance to prevent future attacks, writes Israeli analyst Yoni Ben Menachem of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs.
Where the deported prisoners are staying
The Palestinian Embassy in Cairo told NPR the 154 deported prisoners were initially housed at Renaissance Cairo Mirage City Hotel, a high-end Marriott property. After the Daily Mail reported their location and dubbed it “Hotel Hamas,” they were transferred to another hotel along the Gulf of Suez in Ain Sokhna, about an hour and a half outside Cairo, the embassy said. Israel and Egypt have not commented on their ultimate destination.
The Shin Bet declined NPR’s request for comment on Israel’s deportation policy.
Nuha Musleh in Ramallah, West Bank, Ahmad Abuhamda in Cairo and Daniel Estrin in Tel Aviv contributed to this story.
