The war in Sudan is edging closer to Chad. Over the weekend the Sudanese army and its allies clashed with the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia directly on the border. News agencies reported that on Saturday several Chadian soldiers and civilians were killed near the Chadian border town of Tine. On Monday Chad closed its 1,300-kilometre (807 miles) border with Sudan. Chadian Communications Minister Gassim Cherif said the border had been repeatedly violated and the closure aimed to prevent “any risk of the conflict spreading” to Chad.
Since December, Chadian territory has seen fighting on multiple occasions. In mid-January RSF fighters pursued rival militias into Chad and attacked an army position there, killing seven soldiers. Roger Alladoum, an aid worker in the border town of Adre, welcomed the closure, saying the area had been very dangerous since December and that armed men from Sudan attack and kill people daily, sometimes even soldiers, putting humanitarian workers at risk.
Influence of foreign powers on civil war
Sudan’s civil war has deep roots, and since April 2023 the regular army has been fighting the RSF. The conflict has been exacerbated by external backers: Saudi Arabia is seen as supporting the army, while the United Arab Emirates (UAE) is widely reported to back the RSF. Chad has taken in more than 1 million refugees since the fighting began. Andrea Behrends, head of the Institute for Social and Cultural Anthropology at the University of Leipzig, stressed that colonial-era borders split ethnic groups, so people on both sides of the Chad–Sudan border often belong to the same communities. She cited the Zaghawa as an example: in Chad they are influential and favoured by the government, while in Sudan some Zaghawa have allied with the Sudanese army and are fighting the RSF. Behrends warned that clashes between different Zaghawa factions near Tine risk the conflict spreading further.
Chad accused of supplying weapons to RSF
Chad has been accused of facilitating arms transfers from the UAE to the RSF. The Chadian government rejects the allegations, but Charles Bouessel of the International Crisis Group said Chad signed several significant cooperation agreements with the UAE in 2023 and made its territory available for shipments—”namely arms”—to the RSF. Reuters reported dozens of cargo planes flying from the UAE to Amdjarass, a Chadian city near the Sudanese border, since the war began.
Could Saudi Arabia play a bigger role than the UAE?
Bouessel said arms deliveries from Chad to the RSF have declined this year. Frequent RSF border violations and attacks on Chadian soldiers could indicate that President Mahamat Déby is yielding to pressure from influential Zaghawa generals, who reportedly support Zaghawa groups in Darfur. Déby may be allowing them leeway to pursue their own agenda, which could explain recent attacks on Chadian forces.
Chad’s international partnerships matter: in 2023 it agreed loans totaling US$1.5 billion with the UAE. A break with the UAE would leave Déby needing another major backer; Saudi Arabia has been increasing engagement in the Horn of Africa, and in January Chad’s High Council of Islamic Affairs signed an agreement with Riyadh. It is too early to draw firm conclusions about a shift in patrons.
Humanitarian concerns
For humanitarian organisations the border closure is worrying. The International Rescue Committee (IRC) said cutting access to Chad is “extremely concerning” for Sudanese families fleeing violence. Zeleke Bacha, IRC Sudan West Director, warned that many who relied on crossing into Chad as a lifeline now risk being trapped in dangerous conditions with limited food, water and medical care.
Blaise Dariustone in N’Djamena contributed to this article, first published in German.
