Thousands are expected to join Germany’s traditional Easter peace marches, with more than 100 events scheduled in dozens of towns between April 2 and 6. Several newspapers have run ads to mobilize participants.

The program listed by the Network of the German Peace Movement ranges from “Bikes for Peace” tours and concerts to afternoon rallies with speeches on the wars in Iran, Gaza and Ukraine, the Rojava conflict in northern Syria, as well as human rights and climate justice.

This year’s protests will unfold against the backdrop of a new military service law. Since the start of the year all 18‑year‑olds have been sent a questionnaire from the German military assessing “motivation and suitability” for service. Young men are obliged to complete the forms; women, constitutionally exempt from compulsory service, may respond voluntarily. The reform touched off nationwide school strikes, and organizers expect a larger contingent of young people: Kristian Golla, spokesperson for the Network of the German Peace Movement, said about 20 demonstrations will include speakers addressing conscription.

Golla said the marches remain relevant because conflicts persist worldwide. “Whether it’s Ukraine and Russia, the Gulf region, Israel and Palestine, or the bombing of Iran — those will be the essential issues for the Easter marches, and of course the strengthening of international law,” he told DW.

The peace movement is decentralized: local groups decide specific issues and speakers. The Network’s statement calls on the German government to pursue diplomatic initiatives to end wars, strengthen international law and provide more support for war victims. It also criticizes what it calls a “selective interpretation of international law,” urging Germany to condemn the US and Israeli attack on Iran as firmly as it condemns Russia’s attack on Ukraine.

Hendrik Hegemann, senior researcher at the Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy (IFSH) in Hamburg, said he did not expect a huge surge in turnout. He argued many people — including some within the peace movement — feel ambivalent about current conflicts. Unlike 2003, when the Iraq war provoked broad agreement that the attack was wrong, Ukraine is a more complex case and it is harder to mobilize opposition to supporting Ukraine, he said.

The Easter marches date to the early 1960s, inspired by Britain’s Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, and swelled to hundreds of thousands by 1968. Participants have traditionally come from churches, trade unions, left‑wing parties and pacifist groups such as the German Peace Society (DFG‑VK). Those pacifist organizations have more recently provided advice and support to young people seeking to refuse military service.

Hegemann noted that traditional organizations no longer have the mobilization potential they once did, and some have altered their positions on peace policy. He also said parts of the far right and divisive figures like Sahra Wagenknecht have at times co‑opted the cause, discouraging some potential participants. Still, he believes pacifism remains an important voice in Germany’s public debate: a long‑standing tradition that challenges re‑militarization and insists on questioning prevailing ideas.

Public concern about security in Germany has risen. An Allensbach report in February found only 55% of Germans feel safe — down from 60% in 2025 and from over 70% in 2019. About two‑thirds fear Germany could become directly involved in a war. The report also found declining confidence in NATO: only 42% believe the alliance would successfully repel a Russian attack, a drop of roughly 14 percentage points from the prior year.

Golla said the global situation makes it likely there will be more people than last year, but he tempered expectations: poor weather could curb attendance. “Still, I’m carefully optimistic that there will be more people than last year,” he said.

Edited by Rina Goldenberg

Thousands are expected to join Germany’s traditional Easter peace marches, with more than 100 events organized in dozens of towns between April 2 and 6. Several German newspapers have run ads to encourage attendance.

The demonstrations, listed on the Network of the German Peace Movement’s website, range from “Bikes for Peace” tours and concerts to afternoon rallies with speeches addressing the wars in Iran, Gaza and Ukraine, the Rojava conflict in northern Syria, as well as human rights and climate justice.

This year’s marches will take place against the backdrop of the government’s decision to partially reintroduce military service. Since the start of the year, all 18-year-olds have been receiving a questionnaire from the German military assessing “motivation and suitability” for service. Young men are obliged to complete the forms; women, constitutionally exempt from compulsory service, may participate voluntarily.

The new law prompted nationwide school strikes and is likely to bring a larger contingent of young people to the Easter marches. Kristian Golla, spokesperson for the Network of the German Peace Movement, said about 20 of the demonstrations will include speakers addressing conscription.

Decentralized and issue-driven

Golla said the marches remain relevant because there are many ongoing conflicts to protest. “Whether it’s Ukraine and Russia, the Gulf region, Israel and Palestine, or the bombing of Iran — those will be the essential issues for the Easter marches, and of course the strengthening of international law,” he told DW.

The peace movement is de‑centrally organized, with no single body dictating topics or speakers. This year the Network is calling on the German government to launch diplomatic initiatives to end wars, bolster international law and provide more support for people affected by conflict. The statement also criticized what the Network termed the government’s “selective interpretation of international law,” arguing Germany should condemn US and Israeli attacks on Iran as strongly as it condemns Russia’s actions in Ukraine.

Skepticism about big turnouts

Hendrik Hegemann, a senior researcher at the Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy (IFSH) in Hamburg, said he did not expect a dramatic surge in attendance. Part of the reason, he argued, is ambivalence around current conflicts. “On Ukraine, for example, it’s a more complex situation than with Iraq in 2003, the last phase of larger peace protests in Germany, where most people could agree that the attack was wrong,” he said. “Now we’ve just seen the fourth anniversary of the attack on Bucha and of course it’s more difficult to mobilize against strengthening Ukraine.”

Origins and evolution

Germany’s Easter peace marches began in the early 1960s, inspired by the UK’s Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament. They grew through the Cold War, from a few thousand participants in the early 1960s to hundreds of thousands by 1968. Traditionally, churches, trade unions, left-wing parties and pacifist groups such as the German Peace Society (DFG-VK) have helped organize the events. Those pacifist groups, rooted in conscientious objection, have increasingly provided advice and support to young people seeking to refuse military service.

Challenges for organizers

Hegemann said the marches have struggled to mobilize people in recent years. “Those traditional organizations just don’t have that same mobilization potential anymore, and some of them have changed their own stances on peace policy,” he said. He added that the involvement of far‑right elements and divisive political figures — for example Sahra Wagenknecht, who has spoken out against militarization — has discouraged some potential participants by co‑opting the cause.

Still, he argued pacifism remains a meaningful voice in Germany’s public debate. “They certainly have less approval in the broader debate than they once had, but it remains an important position,” Hegemann said. “It’s a very old, very established tradition that especially in a time of re‑militarization tries to point to alternatives, tries to ensure that certain ideas get questioned.”

Security concerns and public mood

A sense of insecurity has grown in Germany. A February report from the Allensbach institute found only 55% of Germans now feel safe, down from 60% in 2025 and over 70% in 2019. About two‑thirds of Germans fear the country could become directly involved in a war. The Allensbach “Security Report” also found declining faith in NATO’s ability to protect Germany: only 42% believe the alliance would successfully repel a Russian attack, a drop of roughly 14 percentage points year‑on‑year, reflecting waning trust in the US as a security guarantor in Europe.

Golla said the international situation makes greater turnout plausible: “In light of the world situation, I do of course expect more people [than last year].” But he tempered expectations, noting poor weather forecasts could reduce numbers. “Still, I’m carefully optimistic that there will be more people than last year.”

Edited by Rina Goldenberg