German Chancellor Friedrich Merz told the Bundestag in March there had been “an explosion of violence” when asked about attacks on women, and said a significant share of that violence comes from immigrant groups. Merz has repeatedly linked crime and immigration; in October 2025 he said his government had cut asylum applications by roughly 60% and called for continued large‑scale deportations, remarks that drew criticism from opponents and rights groups.
The rise of the anti‑immigrant Alternative for Germany (AfD), which won about 19% in the first two of five state elections this year, has put pressure on the conservative CDU/CSU bloc. Jens Spahn, leader of the CDU/CSU parliamentary group, has sought to frame the debate around everyday experiences: how safe people feel, visible changes in public spaces and the speed of those changes. Speaking at a conference of local party leaders in Berlin, he said citizens have noticed a changed “cityscape” — Christmas markets secured more tightly, altered conditions at train stations and market squares, and a rise in shoplifting — and argued irregular migration has reshaped urban life.
Public opinion surveys show those perceptions have shifted markedly. A late‑2025 infratest dimap poll found about 48% of Germans now feel unsafe in parks, trains and buses — up from 23% in 2017. Policymakers caution, however, that tougher asylum rules alone may not restore that sense of security. Local officials say how city centers look and are maintained strongly affects people’s feelings of safety.
Thorsten Wünschmann, head of the municipal public order office (Ordnungsamt) in Hanau, said subjective insecurity is often driven not by serious criminal cases but by “socially inadequate” public behaviour — conduct that may not be unlawful yet makes people uneasy. He listed visible issues such as begging, drug use, groups of intoxicated people, homelessness, empty buildings, neglect and litter, which can make an entire neighbourhood feel unsafe.
Rainer Wendt, head of the German police trade union (DPolG), cited places like Alexanderplatz where residents encounter the impact of migrant labour and the waste it can leave behind. Parliamentary state secretary Christoph de Vries (CDU) described organised begging rings, often originating from some eastern European EU countries, that are hard to deport; he said inspections by Hamburg’s public order office reportedly deterred those groups from returning. De Vries also warned of streets becoming drug‑user hangouts, with residents boarding up doorways, and said organised crime — which he said increasingly involves foreign nationals — has grown more violent and brazen, at times using firearms and hand grenades.
Germany’s policing and local enforcement system divides responsibilities: state and federal police investigate serious crime, while municipal Ordnungsämter enforce regulations, handle minor offences and carry out inspections. Wünschmann stresses the Ordnungsamt’s preventive role: because local officers know people in their districts, they can intervene early and maintain a regular presence that the police may not.
But many municipalities are struggling financially. Local governments recorded a combined deficit of almost €25 billion in 2024, and that shortfall rose by another €20 billion in the first half of 2025. Rising social spending and personnel costs, together with a plunge in local business tax receipts amid the economic downturn, have left little room for investments in infrastructure or public‑space upkeep.
Berlin and state capitals are paying more attention to those municipal strains. The Bundestag is debating measures to bolster cities and local authorities, and planned funding for urban development is set to rise from €1 billion to €1.6 billion. Officials say that money could finance projects intended to prevent crime and improve perceptions of safety: upgrading public spaces, removing “places of fear,” converting vacant buildings and generally making neighbourhoods less intimidating after dark.
This article was originally published in German.