The end of Viktor Orban’s era began with a short Facebook post on a blue background at 9:11 p.m. CET on Sunday. Opposition leader Peter Magyar wrote: “Prime Minister Viktor Orban just congratulated me on the phone on our victory.”
With roughly half the ballots counted, the scale of the defeat for Orban’s Fidesz and the scale of Magyar’s win became apparent. Magyar’s Tisza party captured a two‑thirds parliamentary majority — the largest since the fall of communism in 1989/90 — amid a record turnout approaching 80 percent.
About ten minutes after the post, Orban addressed a few hundred supporters and conceded, saying Fidesz would “serve our country and the Hungarian nation from the opposition” and that his party would “never, never, never give up.”
Celebrations broke out across Budapest and other cities as predominantly young crowds filled the streets. Tens of thousands marked the end of Orban’s rule while independent outlets declared the “end of tyranny” and the “toppling of the Orban system.” Magyar gave a 40‑minute victory speech to thousands, blending emotional pledges with conciliatory tones and avoiding overt triumphalism. “From today, our country is alive again,” he said, promising to create “a functioning and humane country” and to win back public trust.
Magyar pledged to steer Hungary back toward the EU and NATO, drawing chants of “Russians go home!” and “Europe! Europe!” He asked the president, the attorney general and senior judiciary and civil service figures to step down and vowed to restore checks and balances. He also reached out to Fidesz supporters: “I will also be your prime minister and ensure that we will be able to accept each other, even if we do not hold the same opinions.”
Analysts described the outcome as the beginning of a “new era.” Election expert Robert Laszlo said the two‑thirds majority opens the way to dismantling the structures of Orban’s rule. Political scientists argued Orban will have to confront the reasons for his rout: years of centralisation and arrogance, purges of disloyal officials, moves to bring parts of the judiciary and media under influence, and a system critics call deeply corrupt, all defended by Orban as protecting Hungary’s interests. Opposition voices were often branded traitors during his 16 years in power.
Several factors converged to produce the upset. Many voters wanted an end to the Orban system. Electoral rules that had previously favoured Fidesz did not prevent the defeat this time. A single, charismatic opposition candidate emerged and other opposition parties largely withdrew to consolidate support behind Tisza. Foreign signals also mattered: visible backing from Moscow and sympathetic cues from some in Washington appear to have damaged Orban’s domestic appeal. Observers saw the result as a setback for both Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump, who had offered open or quiet support.
What comes next is uncertain. It is unclear whether Orban’s loss signals a wider retreat of right‑wing populism across Europe. Some allies warned that Hungary’s change weakens hopes for a Europe of strong nation states, while many European governments quickly congratulated Magyar, anticipating an end to EU vetoes and a return to normal relations.
How fast Hungary’s system can be changed and how successful reforms will be is impossible to predict. Commentators urged caution: Magyar must prove he will rebuild democratic institutions and not abuse his overwhelming parliamentary majority, even though the numbers give him the power to do so.
Originally published in German.
