Questions reportedly posed to students during an inspection at an İzmir school — such as whether religion class was actually being taught, whether another subject had replaced it, and whether teachers insulted the president — have reopened a heated debate about the role of religion in Turkish public education. The pupils allegedly ranged from fourth-graders to final-year high school students. Education Minister Yusuf Tekin said the visit was a routine inspection triggered by a complaint.
The controversy centers on a Ministry of National Education directive issued on Feb. 12 that outlines Ramadan-themed activities for schools nationwide. The guidance recommends age-appropriate events for different levels: Ramadan-oriented activities in primary schools, “Let’s Talk at Iftar” sessions for middle and high school students, family iftar dinners linked to schools, and even suggests that children aged four to six visit mosques with teachers — a detail that alarmed some parents and educators.
The ministry insists participation is voluntary and frames the initiative as cultural and moral education. Critics, however, question whether voluntariness can realistically be guaranteed in school environments, citing possible administrative expectation, social pressure or peer influence. They argue that state-sanctioned promotion of the majority’s religious practices risks marginalizing minorities and nonbelievers.
The episode feeds into a longer-running confrontation over secularism, national identity and religion in schooling that intensified after the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in 2002. Reforms presented as reinforcing “national identity” and “spiritual values” have, opponents say, steadily increased the presence of religion in public education.
A pivotal change was the 2012 “4+4+4” reform, which restructured compulsory schooling and allowed imam hatip middle schools — institutions combining the national curriculum with Islamic studies — to expand. Originally intended to train imams, these schools also prepare students for university and other careers. Ministry figures show imam hatip middle schools rose from 1,099 in 2012-13 to 3,396 in 2024-25. During the same period elective religion lessons grew, “values education” became more prominent, and in 2017 evolution was removed from the high school syllabus and replaced with material framed around creation.
The 2024 Turkey Century Maarif Model, which emphasizes a “virtue‑value‑action” approach, is described by supporters as aligning education with national priorities. Critics view it as part of a broader push to weave religion-linked content and conservative social values more deeply into state schooling.
Teacher unions and opposition groups have mobilized against the Ramadan directive. Kadem Özbay, chair of the Egitim-İş union, said the policy violates constitutional guarantees and plans to challenge it in court under Article 24 (freedom of religion and conscience) and Article 42 (education guided by contemporary scientific principles). “School is school,” Özbay said, arguing that constitutional and pedagogical standards define how education should be conducted and warning that presenting the majority’s religious practice as a unifying value risks excluding others.
Simge Yardım of the Egitim-Sen union described the directive as part of a pattern that uses education to pursue social transformation and cautioned that involving preschool children in religious activities could be developmentally inappropriate. Parents’ groups — including the Student Parent Association (Veli-Der) and the Canakkale branch of the Association of All Student Parents for Solidarity (OV-DER) — called the move an attempt to turn public schools toward a particular faith and said it violated constitutional secularism and equality.
The main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) raised the matter in Parliament, arguing the directive undermines the state’s duty of neutrality. Lawmakers expressed particular concern about religiously framed activities aimed at preschoolers. Democracy and Progress Party (DEM) lawmaker Celal Fırat demanded the directive’s withdrawal, citing worries among Alevi citizens. A joint declaration titled “Defending Secularism Together” was signed by 168 writers, academics and journalists.
Minister Tekin rejected claims of religious coercion and warned that insulting criticism could prompt legal action. Supporters of the directive present it as cultural transmission rather than imposition; critics say it blurs the line between state and religion in education and could create indirect pressure on students, especially in residential settings such as dormitories during Ramadan when fasting and communal iftars are visible.
Turkey is majority Sunni Muslim but includes Alevis, other religious minorities and people with no faith. Opponents worry institutionalizing a single religious practice in public schools risks sidelining those groups.
The debate also has international resonance because Turkey’s education footprint extends abroad through the Maarif Foundation, which runs schools in more than 50 countries and is often seen as reflecting Ankara’s education policy. There is currently no evidence the Ramadan directive applies to Maarif-run schools overseas, but observers are watching whether domestic curricular shifts influence Turkey’s international education network.
This report was originally published in Turkish.