“Is religion class actually being taught?” “Is another subject being taught instead of religion class?” “Are there insults against the president in classes?”
Those were reportedly among questions inspectors asked students at a school in Izmir province, Turkey, according to allegations raised in parliament. The pupils were said to range from fourth grade to the final year of high school. Education Minister Yusuf Tekin told Turkish television the visit was a routine inspection prompted by a complaint.
The episode has reopened a long-running conflict over secularism, religion and the state’s identity in Turkish education. The immediate trigger is a Ministry of National Education directive issued on February 12 that lays out Ramadan-themed activities for schools nationwide.
Since the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in 2002, it has pursued changes to education framed as promoting “national identity” and “spiritual values.” Critics — including opposition parties, secular groups and teachers’ unions — argue those reforms have increased religion’s role in public schooling.
A major shift came with the 2012 “4+4+4” reform, which restructured compulsory education and reopened imam hatip middle schools that had been closed in 1997. These institutions combine the national curriculum with Islamic studies; while originally intended to train imams, they also prepare students for university and other careers. Ministry figures show imam hatip middle schools rose from 1,099 in 2012-13 to 3,396 in 2024-25. Over the same period, elective religion courses expanded, “values education” became more prominent, and in 2017 evolution was removed from the high school syllabus and replaced with a creation-oriented account.
The 2024 Turkey Century Maarif Model emphasizes a “virtue-value-action” approach. Supporters say it aligns education with national priorities; critics see it as part of a broader effort to weave religion-linked content into state schooling and to steer society toward particular values.
The Ramadan directive has intensified tensions. It recommends Ramadan-themed activities in primary schools, “Let’s Talk at Iftar” events for middle and high school students, and shared iftar meals with families. A publicly released guide also suggests that children aged 4-6 visit mosques with teachers, a recommendation that alarmed some educators and parents over developmental and pedagogical boundaries.
The ministry insists participation is voluntary and frames the initiative as cultural and moral education. Opponents question whether voluntariness can be guaranteed in practice, citing potential administrative, social or peer pressure.
Unions and opposition voices have pushed back. Kadem Ozbay, chair of the Egitim-Is union, said the directive violates constitutional guarantees and plans to challenge it in court, invoking Article 24 (freedom of religion and conscience) and Article 42 (education must follow contemporary scientific principles). “School is school. How education should be conducted is clearly defined both in the Constitution and in scientific and pedagogical principles,” he said, warning that presenting the majority’s religious practice as a “unifying value” risks marginalizing others.
Simge Yardim of the Egitim Sen union framed the directive as part of a wider pattern using education for social transformation, and warned that involving preschool children in religious activities could pose developmental risks. Parents’ associations also raised objections: the Student Parent Association (Veli-Der) called the move an attempt to convert public schools into arenas for a particular faith, while the Canakkale branch of the Association of All Student Parents for Solidarity (OV-DER) said it breached constitutional secularism and equality.
The main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) took the issue to Parliament, arguing the directive undermines the state’s duty of neutrality. Lawmakers expressed concern about religiously framed activities targeting preschoolers. DEM Party lawmaker Celal Firat demanded withdrawal of the directive, citing worries among Alevi citizens. A joint declaration titled “Defending Secularism Together” was signed by 168 writers, academics and journalists.
Education Minister Tekin rejected accusations of religious imposition and warned that insulting criticism could lead to legal action. Supporters present the directive as cultural transmission rather than enforcement, while critics say it blurs the line between state and religion in education.
Turkey’s population is predominantly Sunni Muslim, but the country includes Alevis, other religious minorities and nonbelievers. Opponents argue that institutionalizing one religious practice in public schools risks creating indirect pressure, especially in settings such as boarding schools during Ramadan when students may fast.
The debate has international dimensions. Schools run by the Turkey Maarif Foundation in more than 50 countries are often viewed as reflecting Ankara’s education policy. There is no evidence the Ramadan directive applies abroad, but observers are watching whether domestic policy shifts could influence Maarif-run schools elsewhere.
This article was originally published in Turkish.
