Many young parents in Germany want both partners to work, spend time with their children and share household tasks. In practice, traditional patterns persist: women are far more likely to work part time and men are more often the primary earners. Germany’s Federal Statistical Office figures for 2025 show the gender pay gap remains wide.
German sociologist Jutta Allmendinger says the gap is not for lack of good intentions. An honorary professor at Free University of Berlin and former president of the WZB Berlin Social Science Center, she notes that when couples are asked what would happen if they had a child now, “80% of men say they would reduce their working hours and they would want an equal split. In the end, though, things often turn out differently.”
One reason traditional divisions persist is that men still earn more on average. That makes women more likely to take parental leave or shift to part-time work, reducing their chances of advancing into leadership roles. Germany’s tax system compounds this: it favors married couples where one partner earns much more than the other, encouraging divisions of responsibility driven by tax rules rather than fairness. Allmendinger and others argue these tax concessions should be removed to promote genuine equality.
There is also a clear East-West divide. In the eastern states that were part of the former German Democratic Republic, fewer women work part time and career breaks tend to be shorter. Culturally, it was normal for both parents to work in the East, whereas West Germany historically promoted the single-earner family model. These legacies show up in later life too: women in the East tend to have smaller pension gaps compared with men than their counterparts in the West.
The pressure of balancing career and family is intense, particularly for mothers. Allmendinger has seen growing polarization among women: some embrace the tradwife model and opt to stay home, while others focus solely on their careers or choose not to have children. “While that’s not the majority,” she says, “it’s a growing trend.”
Allmendinger argues that sustainable structural change is needed. The standard 40-hour workweek without recognition of unpaid childcare is unrealistic. She proposes a 33-hour workweek for everyone, with men slightly reducing and women slightly increasing average hours. In her view this would not cut overall work volume and would free both parents to share childcare and household tasks. Greater career-long flexibility is also essential: people should be able to work 28 hours during some phases and much more in others, instead of having family formation coincide with peak career advancement.
Childcare and schools are crucial too. Allmendinger notes rising interest in homeschooling, driven by concerns about the school system, underscoring that public education and childcare quality affect family choices.
Iceland offers an example of change: it has ranked first in the Global Gender Gap Report for 16 years and has been experimenting with shorter working hours. Advances in artificial intelligence and the spread of job-sharing for full-time roles make reduced working hours more feasible, Allmendinger says. “It works marvelously,” she adds, urging that international examples show what needs to be done and that the diagnosis is not terminal.
This article was translated from German and edited by Sarah Hucal.