The state election in Rhineland-Palatinate was a breakthrough for the Alternative for Germany (AfD): the party won 19.5% of the vote, more than doubling its share from the previous state contest five years earlier. That result even slightly exceeded the AfD’s showing in the Baden-Württemberg election two weeks prior.
Among working-class and low‑income voters the AfD has become the most popular option: 39% of this group supported the party, which has seen several regional chapters flagged as far‑right extremist by domestic intelligence. In parts of the country, particularly in the east — the former East Germany — the AfD now attracts nearly half of blue‑collar voters. These voters are a crucial element in the party’s rise.
Analysts link the party’s gains to economic insecurity. With stagnating growth and the loss of many industrial jobs, fear of unemployment and downward mobility is widespread. Communications researcher Frank Brettschneider (University of Hohenheim) says the AfD taps into and amplifies these anxieties, presenting itself as the party that understands everyday life better than established politicians.
Multiple crises — wars, climate change and the disruptive effects of artificial intelligence — are testing democratic systems, and Germany is no exception.
Taking voters from the Social Democrats
Germany’s Social Democratic Party (SPD), historically a workers’ party, has been eroding at the ballot box for years. An analysis by polling institute Infratest dimap after the Rhineland‑Palatinate vote found 71% of respondents agreeing with the statement that “the SPD no longer clearly stands on the side of workers.” The AfD seeks to occupy that perceived void, portraying other parties’ officials as out of touch and claiming to represent ordinary people’s concerns.
Working‑class voters do not generally credit the AfD with superior economic policy, social-justice credentials or job‑creation expertise. Instead, many prioritize asylum and refugee policy and crime prevention — issues the AfD emphasizes. Its campaigns often link migration to pressures on housing and public services and portray immigrants as threats to living standards, feeding fears of social decline.
Economists, however, take a different view. They argue that immigration is essential to sustaining German prosperity. A 2025 analysis by the German Institute for Economic Research (DIW) concluded that increased migration offers strong growth potential. DIW president Marcel Fratzscher warned in 2023 that AfD economic policies would hurt its own supporters: the party advocates an “extremely neoliberal” fiscal stance, favoring tax cuts for top earners, a smaller role for the state and deep cuts to social benefits — proposals that could damage the interests of working‑class voters.
Rubbing shoulders with trade unions
The AfD has also tried to build links with organized labor through an association called Zentrum, which presents itself as an alternative labor movement but is widely regarded as far‑right. Zentrum competes with established unions such as IG Metall and has attempted for years to gain influence on works councils at major automotive plants.
Works councils, which represent employees and have significant influence in public debates, are a key battleground. Zentrum has secured seats on councils at individual Mercedes and Volkswagen sites, but its broader inroads into works council elections across Germany have been limited; IG Metall remains the dominant force.
Reconnecting the left and the working class
Retired sociology professor Klaus Dörr urges the political left to reengage with working‑class realities, arguing there is a substantial share of workers who could be won back. He notes that many workers increasingly lack identification with large employers, even long‑established firms like VW and Mercedes, but do feel an attachment to their homeland. Dörr suggests left‑wing parties should reclaim the notion of “homeland” from the AfD to better connect with voters.
This article was originally written in German.
