Peter Magyar, who led the center-right Tisza Party to victory in Hungary’s April 12, 2026 parliamentary elections, made his first foreign trip to Poland ten days after his May 9 inauguration. The visit follows warm public reactions from Polish leadership—Prime Minister Donald Tusk welcomed Magyar’s win as a return to Europe—and signals Magyar’s intention to reset ties between Budapest and Warsaw after years of tension.
Poland and Hungary have historically been close, especially during periods when both countries were governed by conservative, Euroskeptic parties. Under Hungary’s Viktor Orbán and Poland’s Law and Justice (PiS) governments, the two capitals often coordinated on an illiberal, EU-critical agenda. That alignment frayed, however, as Hungary’s approach to Russia and the war in Ukraine diverged from Poland’s, and relations deteriorated further after Tusk’s pro-European government came to power in Warsaw in 2023.
Relations hit a low point when Hungary’s previous government granted asylum to Poland’s former justice minister Zbigniew Ziobro and his deputy Marcin Romanowski, both under investigation in Poland on suspicion of corruption. That move compounded mistrust and complicated cooperation inside the EU.
Magyar’s visit is meant to be a clear gesture of rapprochement. Polish officials described the trip as highly symbolic; Warsaw wants to see that the new Hungarian administration places renewed value on friendship with Poland. The Hungarian delegation, which includes seven ministers, will visit Kraków, Warsaw and Gdańsk and is scheduled to meet Prime Minister Tusk, President Karol Nawrocki and former president Lech Wałęsa.
Analysts and officials say expectations are high. Sociologist Edit Zgut-Przybylska of the Polish Academy of Sciences and the CEU Democracy Institute stressed that trust broken by the previous Hungarian government’s pro‑Russian and anti‑European positions needs rebuilding. Marcin Bosacki, a Polish foreign ministry state secretary, described the visit as a powerful symbolic sign that Warsaw views good bilateral relations as important.
Magyar’s objectives are both bilateral and European. He aims to reposition Hungary as a more EU-aligned partner after 16 years of Orbán’s leadership and to unblock frozen EU funds. Poland may be a valuable interlocutor: Tusk’s experience in European institutions and his success in securing large EU payments for Poland after his own election—reportedly unlocking €137 billion—could offer useful lessons.
Security cooperation and aid to Ukraine are likely high on the agenda. Under Orbán, Hungary blocked an EU transfer tied to military equipment Poland supplied to Ukraine in 2022–23—a decision Warsaw called shameful. Polish leaders expect Magyar to reverse Hungary’s obstruction and to find common ground on support for Ukraine. Other topics where the two governments may align include stricter migration rules and tougher climate policies; Tusk himself has shifted to more centrist-right positions since taking office and has adopted stances that overlap with Magyar’s agenda.
Magyar has also called for reviving the Visegrad Group (V4) of Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The bloc, once a staple of Central European cooperation, has been dormant amid disputes between Orbán and Tusk. Some regional leaders have signaled willingness to renew cooperation, but analysts caution that a genuine revival will require substantive policy convergence rather than symbolic photographs.
Domestically, Magyar faces a different landscape than Tusk. Magyar commands a solid parliamentary majority, giving him room to govern without the fragile coalitions that constrain Poland’s prime minister. That political strength may bolster Magyar’s bargaining position in talks with Warsaw. Still, promises to crack down on corruption will be judged closely; Polish media and commentators have urged Magyar to follow through promptly, warning that delays in accountability breed voter frustration.
One concrete desire in Warsaw—extradition or return of the Polish politicians who received asylum in Hungary—looks unlikely to be fulfilled in the short term. Ziobro and Romanowski reportedly left Hungary before Magyar took office, limiting what the new government can offer on that front.
Magyar’s visit to Poland is a test of whether Budapest’s new leadership can translate gestures into sustained policy change and rebuild trust with a key neighbor. Success would help Hungary recover standing in the EU and unlock frozen funds; failure would leave bilateral relations and regional cooperation in a fragile state, with the legacy of recent years continuing to complicate Central European politics.