Peter Magyar, the 45-year-old leader of the Tisza party, has been celebrated for his knack for turning small gestures into defining political moments — a quality that helped deliver his party’s historic April 12 election win and unseat Viktor Orbán after 16 years in power.
A telling example came during a campaign stop in a southern Hungarian town when Magyar spotted journalists from a pro-Kremlin Moscow paper. He welcomed them with a quip about “Russian propaganda media” and called for regime change. The crowd erupted in applause and chants of “Russians, go home,” a moment that circulated widely and underlined Magyar’s ability to create symbolic political theatre.
The remark also came in the wake of reports about former prime minister Viktor Orbán’s phone call last year with Russian President Vladimir Putin, in which Orbán was said to have promised broad support to Putin — revelations that helped sharpen the contrast between the old and the new leadership.
A new start
When parliament convenes and Magyar and his cabinet are sworn in, the incoming government plans to mark the transfer of power in a deliberately symbolic way. Magyar has declared the day a “system change holiday.” In addition to Hungary’s national anthem, officials will play the European anthem, the anthem of the Székely (a Hungarian minority in Romania’s Transylvania), and the unofficial anthem of Hungary’s Roma community — a first for the state and seen as a gesture of recognition toward roughly 700,000 Roma in Hungary. For the first time in 12 years, the EU flag will be raised over parliament, and Magyar will give his inaugural address on the square outside the building.
New faces in government
Magyar’s cabinet mixes technocrats, former officials and some figures with clear ties to the country’s Euro-Atlantic tradition. Anita Orbán (no relation to Viktor Orbán), a diplomat and energy expert who once belonged to a pro-European wing of the Fidesz party, has been named foreign minister. She previously warned about Russia’s imperialistic energy policy in a widely read English-language book.
István Kapitány, a former senior executive at Shell, is set to be economy minister. Romulusz Ruszin-Szendi, a former military chief of staff criticized by Orbán’s government for what it saw as a pro-Ukrainian stance, will head defense. Zsolt Hegedüs, an orthopedic surgeon who worked in the UK, has been picked for health and has already drawn attention for celebrating the election win on stage. Vilmos Katai-Németh, who became blind at 16, is nominated to lead social and family affairs; he is a lawyer and a second-degree black belt in aikido, and would become Hungary’s first blind cabinet minister.
However, the cabinet hit a snag before being sworn in. Marton Mellethei-Barna, Magyar’s original pick for justice minister and his brother-in-law, withdrew after criticism of his nomination. Magyar then proposed Márta Görög, dean of the University of Szeged’s Faculty of Law, calling her one of Hungary’s most respected jurists.
Domestic priorities: dismantling the old system
Magyar has laid out two core priorities: domestically, to dismantle the network of institutions and practices that supported Orbán’s long rule and to restore the rule of law; internationally, to return Hungary to reliable partnership within the EU and NATO.
Among immediate domestic commitments are the creation of an anti-corruption authority and an asset-recovery body tasked with reclaiming state funds and contracts allegedly funneled to Orbán loyalists. Magyar also plans to close down the state media apparatus that critics say was stacked in favor of Orbán and to replace it with an independent public broadcasting system.
Despite the Tisza party’s two-thirds parliamentary majority, these tasks will be difficult. Magyar has singled out the president, the attorney general and senior judicial figures as “Orbán’s puppets.” If President Tamás Sulyok resists stepping down, he could delay or complicate reforms, potentially dragging out legal and institutional battles.
Economic backdrop
Magyar’s push for reform comes amid a worrisome fiscal picture. Hungary faces a deeper economic and financial crisis than previously acknowledged; after years of expansionary spending under Orbán, the budget deficit is approaching 6 percent. Securing frozen EU funds will be a top international priority for the new government, both for economic stabilization and to demonstrate renewed cooperation with European institutions.
International policy and the Ukraine test
Abroad, Magyar wants to reestablish Hungary as a reliable EU and NATO partner, improve relations with neighboring Central and Eastern European countries — Poland in particular — and have EU authorities unfreeze funds withheld under the previous government.
But one foreign policy area could quickly test the new administration’s balance between democratic principles and populist appeals: Ukraine. Magyar invited Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to an unusual meeting in Berehove, a Ukrainian town with a majority ethnic Hungarian population. He has signaled that Hungary’s support for Ukraine’s EU accession would be contingent on better treatment of Hungary’s minority in Ukraine. Critics note that this demand came despite local assurances from Berehove’s mayor that ethnic Hungarians there are not being discriminated against, and some see the stance as an opportunistic negotiation tactic that risks straining relations with Kyiv.
Outlook
Peter Magyar’s early moves combine high-profile symbolism with concrete institutional pledges. He has promised to confront corruption, recover state assets, reform public media and reset Hungary’s international alignment. Delivering on these promises will hinge on navigating resistance from entrenched officials, stabilizing the public finances, and handling sensitive regional issues such as relations with Ukraine. The coming weeks and months will show whether Magyar’s blend of theatrical gestures and pragmatic appointments can translate into durable change.